PATEL
AND BOSE ON DIFFERENT PAGES
Before the 2014 elections, supporters of the BJP used Vallabhbhai
Patel as a stick to beat Jawaharlal Nehru with. More recently, they have added
a new weapon, the legacy of Subhas Bose. This raises questions of ideological
consistency as well as historical accuracy. Can one simultaneously affirm both
Patel and Bose while denouncing Nehru?
Before the 2014 elections,
supporters of the BJP used Vallabhbhai Patel as a stick to beat Jawaharlal
Nehru with. More recently, they have added a new weapon, the legacy of Subhas
Bose. This raises questions of ideological consistency as well as historical
accuracy. Can one simultaneously affirm both Patel and Bose while denouncing
Nehru?
Only if one ignores the
evidence of history. For Vallabhbhai Patel’s relationship with Subhas Bose was
shot through with tension. It rapidly deteriorated after the death of
Vallabhbhai’s elder brother, Vithalbhai, in 1933. Bose had nursed Vithalbhai
during his last illness. In his will, the elder Patel left three-fourths of his
estate to Bose, to be used ‘preferably for publicity work on behalf of India’s
cause in other countries’. Vallabhbhai now cast aspersions on the authenticity
of the will. A long legal battle ensued, which ended in a triumph for
Vallabhbhai, with Vithalbhai’s next of kin getting the money instead of Subhas.
Five years later,
Vallabhbhai opposed Gandhi’s decision to propose Bose’s name for the presidency
of the Congress. Gandhi over-ruled his objection, and Bose became president
anyway. In 1939, when Bose sought a second term, Patel opposed him again. In a
public statement, he warned Bose that even if he were elected, his policies
would be vetted and if required vetoed by the working committee (peopled by
Patel loyalists).
As Rajmohan Gandhi writes
in his biography of Vallabhbhai, he ‘held a poor opinion of Subhas’s
efficiency’; moreover, ‘his disagreements with Subhas were profound’. Patel
wanted the Congress governments elected in 1937 to continue in office, whereas
Bose wished ‘to pull out all the Congress Ministries and war with the Raj, a
course that appeared unwarranted and unwise to Patel’. Rajmohan further notes
that ‘another difference was over Gandhi, who was dispensable in Subhas’s eyes
but absolutely necessary to the Sardar’.
When Bose canvassed leading
Congressmen to support his re-election, Patel was appalled. ‘I never dreamt,’
he wrote to Rajendra Prasad, ‘that he [Subhas] will stoop to such dirty mean
tactics for re-election’. Sugata Bose (in his book His Majesty’s Opponent)
quotes Patel as saying that Subhas’s re-election would be ‘harmful to [the]
country’s cause’. Bose, in return, accused Vallabhbhai of using ‘moral
coercion’ to stop him from contesting once more.
As is well known, despite
opposition from Patel and Gandhi, Bose won re-election, defeating Pattabhi
Sitarammayya. This was deeply embarrassing for the Congress bosses. ‘It is
impossible for us to work with Subhas,’ wrote Patel to Rajendra Prasad. The Gandhi-Patel
camp worked to undermine Bose’s presidential powers, forcing him to resign from
his post and later from the party itself.
Rajmohan Gandhi’s superbly
researched account of this controversy makes clear the mutual antipathy between
Patel and Bose. Thus Rajmohan remarks that ‘the bitterness of the Bose
partisans seemed reserved for Patel, even though Gandhi’s line towards Subhas
was at least as hard’. Bose’s brother Sarat charged Vallabhbhai with
facilitating a ‘mean, malicious and vindictive’ propaganda war against Subhas.
Patel, for his part, was
equally unforgiving. When Bose referred to him as ‘undemocratic’, he angrily
retorted: ‘The lion becomes a king by birth, not by an election in the jungle.’
Rajmohan comments that ‘the ungracious remark was also, in the light of
Subhas’s subsequent courage, inapt, but entirely understandable in the context
of Congress’s internal struggle of 1939’.
Years later, in 1946, Patel
made partial amends for these cruel remarks by assisting the personnel of the
Indian National Army when they returned to their homeland. Rajmohan observes
that ‘there was expediency in this role, for Subhas’s prestige was at its
height, but also heart’. For Patel ‘did admire Subhas’s bravery’ in exile.
Beyond their political
disagreements, Patel and Bose also had profound ideological differences. Bose
was a great believer in socialist planning, whereas Patel was more sympathetic
to private enterprise. Bose was also far more committed to Hindu-Muslim harmony
than Patel. In his book The Indian Struggle (first published in 1935), he
sharply criticised the Hindu Mahasabha. He repeatedly called them
‘reactionary’, the mirror image of Islamic fundamentalism, playing into the
Raj’s hands by undermining the Hindu-Muslim unity sought to be fostered by
Gandhi and by Bose himself.
Bose writes that ‘the Hindu
Mahasabha, like its Moslem counterpart, consisted not only of erstwhile
Nationalists, but also of a large number of men who were afraid of
participating in a political movement and wanted a safer platform for
themselves’. The charge was justified; for, unlike Bose, Nehru and Patel, each
of whom spent many years in prison, the Hindutvawadis of the 1930s and 1940s
chose not to challenge the British in any way. One of these collaborators was
Dr SP Mookerjee, founder of the Jana Sangh and an icon of the BJP.
Like their counterparts in
the Left, Hindutva ideologues invariably place dogma over truth. Even so, their
latest moves mark a new low. For on some matters, such as planning and
secularism, Bose and Nehru were on the same page. On other matters, such as
loyalty to Gandhi and the view that the Axis powers were more evil than the
Allies, Nehru and Patel stood shoulder to shoulder. But, apart from a shared
desire to see India become free, in political, personal or ideological terms
Bose and Patel had virtually nothing in common.
If one believes that
Muslims have to prove their loyalty to the Republic, one can, at a pinch, fire
over Patel’s shoulder at Nehru. If one believes that the Japanese were less brutal
colonists than the British, then one could invoke Bose against Nehru. But using
Patel and Bose at the same time to attack Nehru is both politically
opportunistic and (what may be worse) intellectually incoherent.
COLUMNS Updated: Apr 25, 2015, 22:48 IST
It may seem a bit strange that why Subhash Chandra Bose was claiming the property of Sardar Patel's brother near ICS? But this was the truth. There was no slight debate for this property. Sardar Patel himself was a top lawyer, he made sure that Bose could not get even a single penny from his brother's property. Let us know this story in a little detail. The country's first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel used to have five brothers. Vitthalbhai Patel was older than Sardar Patel. Both brothers were barristers. Master of its genre. The year between 1917 and 1922 was a period of large-scale rebellion against the British in India. At the end of the First World War, the British brought the Rowlatt Act to India and crushed personal freedom even more. This was followed by the Khilafat Movement, then mass suppression in Punjab. Meanwhile, Gandhiji and the Congress decided to launch the Non-Cooperation Movement. At the same time, Vallabhbhai Patel gave up his shining profession of advocacy and jumped into the freedom movement. Now let's go back a little. Talk of Vitthalbhai Patel. Born on 27 September 1873, Vitthalbhai studied at the local level. Nowadays the craze for the job of software belongs to Silicon Valley, in those days the same craze used to be about barrister's studies in London. Going to England and studying advocacy was the dream of both Vallabh-Vitthal. But this ordinary middle class family of British India was not able to send their children to London. Therefore, Vitthalbhai took a small degree of advocacy and started practicing as a junior lawyer in Godhra court. But it is said that if someone wants something strongly, then the whole work supports him in achieving it. A funny incident happened. Senior journalist and author of the book 'Nehru Myth and Truth', Piyush Babelle explains this phenomenon, saying, Vallabhbhai Patel was working hard to earn money to study the barrister in England, one day he should have the right money Gone, he got passports and tickets arranged for him from a private agency. Vittal went to London on postal department's mistake and Vallabh's passport In those days passports and tickets were sent by post. Vallabhbhai was preparing to go to London and would wait for postage every day. But call it a turn of fate or a minor mistake. The delivery of this post was done at the house of Vitthalbhai Patel in Bombay. Senior journalist Piyush Babelle says, Actually the name of both brothers used to start with the V letter in English. The elder brother's name was Vithalbhai Jhaveribhai Patel, while the younger one was named Vallabhbhai Jhaveribhai Patel. The address given for the delivery of passports and tickets. Gone was Mr VJ Patel, pleader. Now call it the decision of destiny or something else, the delivery of this post was done at Vitthalbhai's house. When this post got to Vitthalbhai, he was shocked and smiled, he also had a dream of going to London. . Those were the days of social limits. Vallabhbhai used to respect his elder brother very much. Vitthalbhai summoned his younger brother, and asked whether it would be compatible with the social prestige that the elder brother should sit in the house and the younger brother move to London to become a barrister. After hearing the elder brother's argument, Vallabhbhai remained silent. He gave up the dream of going to London and thus Vitthalbhai reached the Middle Temple Advocate of London on Vallabhbhai's passport. Piyush Babelle says that to go to London, Vallabhbhai had to add money once again and he reached London after about 5 years and studied law. A brilliant student, Vitthalbhai completed the 36-month course in London in 30 months and came top in the class. In 1913, he returned to Gujarat. On seeing this, he became a famous lawyer of Bombay. Meanwhile his wife died in 1915, then he did not marry. But in the profession of advocacy, he earned a lot of name and money. Despite having ideological differences with Gandhi, Vitthalbhai joined the Congress and plunged into the freedom struggle. But in 1922, when Gandhi stopped the Non-cooperation movement after the Chaura-Chauri scandal, Vitthalbhai was very disappointed. He left the Congress and formed the Swaraj Party with Chittaranjan Das and Motilal Nehru. Vitthalbhai traveled to America and Europe in later years. Here he made very effective contacts. But his health started deteriorating in Europe. He was disappointed with Gandhi's leadership in the freedom movement. During this time, Subhash Chandra Bose was also with him in Europe. Both leaders were unhappy with Gandhi's manner of non-violence to gain independence. Senior journalist Piyush Babelle says that from Europe, Subhash Chandra Bose wrote a letter to Gandhiji and said that his way of attaining independence was a failure. This letter was also signed by Vitthalbhai Patel. In this letter, the two leaders asked Gandhiji to take a radical path to get freedom. A will written on Bose's name in Bose's name Vitthalbhai Patel spent his last time in Austria. He was very ill. At this time, Subhash Chandra Bose was serving him. During this time, Vitthalbhai Patel wrote a will and gave a part of his property to Subhash Chandra Bose. It was written in this will that this money will be used to give impetus to India's freedom movement abroad. Ultimately 87 years ago, Vitthalbhai Patel died on 22 October 1933 in Geneva, Switzerland. Netaji and Patel face to face on the will Sardar Patel raised many questions on this will and challenged it in court. He said that there is no signature of any doctor in it, why all the witnesses are from Bengal, while at that time many Congress leaders were present in Geneva. After this the matter went to court. Vallabhbhai Patel was a barrister himself, he made a strong case in this case. Netaji lost the case Ultimately, Vallabhbhai Patel won in the court of Justice BJ Wadia in the Bombay High Court. The court declared Vitthalbhai's legal heir to be the heir to his property. Piyush Babelle says that Subhash later appealed to the Federal Court but he lost the case there too. Trust Name As soon as victory was won in the case, Sardar Patel formed a trust in the name of Vitthalbhai and gave the entire property in the name of this trust. This trust worked for social welfare. Wealth earned on its own Senior journalist Piyush Babelle says that the first generation barristers in British India were not family rich. But he had earned considerable wealth by barristering on the basis of his talent and knowledge of advocacy. Moti Lal Nehru, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Vitthalbhai Patel, Vallabhbhai Patel were included in this list. In his time, Vallabhbhai Patel was the highest paid lawyer of Ahmedabad."
https://www.informalnewz.com/vitthalbhai-patel-netaji-subhash-and-sardar-patel-whose-assets-were-face-to-face-in-court/
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